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Showing posts with label Middle East. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Middle East. Show all posts

Saturday, January 4, 2020

Scott Ritter's Take On The Soleimani Assassination

Scott Ritter has an interesting article today at The American Conservative in which he analyzes Trump's action in authorizing the assassination of the Iranian general Qassem Soleimani. Unlike some of the virulently and repetitiously anti-Trump screeds at TAC, Ritter's analysis is in measured terms and worth considering. You can read the entire article hear: Iranian Revenge Will Be a Dish Best Served Cold.

For our purposes I want to focus on the last part of the article, in which Ritter speculates regarding the form that Iran's threatened retaliation might take. My own view regarding "the current crisis in the Middle East" is hardly novel--I think most commentators view the situation in overly simplistic terms. There are simply too many moving pieces involved for the types of solutions we so often see advanced to be viable. That, I think goes for Ritter's analysis as well. Nevertheless, his view is worth taking into account.

Ritter is correct in focusing on Iran's overall goal and in identifying that goal as the withdrawal of US military forces from Iraq. That is an achievable goal, but one which is most likely attainable by avoiding a direct war with the US. To the extent that the US assassination of Soleimani makes such an open military conflict more likely we see two things: 1) The likelihood that the assassination may have been staged in order to force such a conflict; the orchestrators in such a case would likely be non-Trumpist Deep State actors, headed by Mike Pompeo, whose goal is to maintain the US military presence in Iraq; 2) the assassination puts Iran in a difficult position because it pushes Iran toward action that would interfere with its long term goals. So, Ritter writes:

Friday, January 3, 2020

UPDATED: What's Trump's Middle East Strategy?

Obviously I don't have near enough information to have anything like certainty. However, here are some tentative considerations.

In August, 2017, President Trump delivered some remarks regarding his Afghan strategy. One overriding point was this: "We are not nation-building again. We are killing terrorists."

With that in mind, consider Trump's willingness to negotiate with just about anybody, if the negotiations serve US interests and are conducted in good faith. Trump has been attempting to force Iran to the negotiating table through sanctions, but Iran appears to have resisted negotiations in which US interests would be recognized. The Iranian goal is simply to force the US from the Middle East.

While that is attractive outcome for most Americans, for various reasons it seems unlikely to happen. Thus, Trump's assurances to Americans: We're no longer in the business of nation building. Instead, we'll do deals. But if terrorism is employed against the US, we'll respond as we see fit. Proportionality as traditionally conceived may not enter into our response. Preemption is a possibility, both proximately as well as for the extended future.

In this case it appears Trump had grown frustrated with Iranian refusals to negotiate on what Trump regarded as reasonable terms. Instead, Iran appeared to be resorting to a strategy of pin pricks that the US has generally disregarded in the past. Or which might provoke a disproportionate response in traditional terms--as nearly happened with drone downing.

Trump's message, therefore, seems to be one of unpredictability. Don't anyone think they know ahead of provoking the US what the response will be. Count on a response, but don't think you can predict its nature or extent. A strategy of pressure through calculated provocations could be a strategy of playing with fire. In the art of the deal predictability is a weakness.

There are dangers in this for the US, as well. Nothing will be simple. Syria and Libya remain in turmoil. Saudi Arabia has revealed its essential weakness through its Yemen adventure. Turkey is aggressively seeking to expand its influence not only along its land borders in Syria and Iraq--which will inevitably bring it into conflict with Iran--but also throughout the eastern Mediterranean. Russia, of course, has interests it wishes to maintain. Afghanistan, on the eastern side of Iran is a multidimensional mess.

Of course, the one non-Muslim country most worried by all this is almost certainly Russia. Perhaps if Barr/Durham can sufficiently bring the Dem inspired Russia Hoax to a conclusion by exposing it to daylight Trump will be able to do a deal with Russia with regard to the Middle East. Especially with regard to Iran and Turkey.

Trump never told us his presidency would be boring.

An emailer recently sent me a NYPost editorial re Trump's reelection chances--rating them as excellent, despite determined establishment hostility. I remarked, referencing "the current crisis in the Middle East"--or should that be "usual"?--Trump seems not inclined to play it safe leading into the election cycle. Then I added that playing it safe is so often a snare and a delusion, the oppositie of safe. That's something that Trump probably understands as well as any politician alive.

UPDATE: The other day I quoted Don Surber, a shrewd observer of many things, to the effect that invading a country under false pretenses (Iraq, WMD) tends to PO the natives. It's true, and it's something that Americans need to take much more seriously. Trump has repeatedly said he wants to bring the troops home, and I take him at his word. He says he wants to get out of the business of nation building, and I take him at his word on that, too. What could cause him problems going forward after the Soleimani assassination is that, three years into Trump's first term, we still find ourselves in a betwixt and between position, with not that much of Trump's foreign policy for the Middle East implemented.

Monday, September 30, 2019

Meanwhile In The Middle East ...

No, I'm not about to turn this into a foreign policy blog. However, I will state that Trump needs to seriously take control of Middle East policy and to seriously rethink it. The policy of supporting al Qaeda and ISIL is morally and strategically bankrupt--as is the policy of  offering seemingly unquestioning protection to the financier of these groups, Saudi Arabia.

Consider the latest Houthi/Yemeni victory over the Saudis. It was an extremely impressive victory and the Saudis appear to be agreeing to a ceasefire--they can hardly do otherwise. The US used to support the Houthis against al Qaeda, until some genius (in fairness, during the Obama admin) decided supporting al Qaeda and the Saudis was a good idea. Two blogs. I can't vouch for the accuracy of either, except that it now appears to be well established that the Saudis have suffered a crushing defeat (as I have long predicted would happen):